An Indian-origin businessman, Gaurav Srivastava, has been accused of falsely presenting himself as a CIA operative to secure influence with senior officials in Indonesia and help advance multibillion-dollar defence procurement efforts.
The allegations, reported through an investigation by the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), stem from civil lawsuits filed in the United States by Srivastava’s former business partner, Niels Troost. Troost alleges Srivastava was given a 50% stake in his company and later leveraged that relationship to build access and credibility.
According to the report, Srivastava cultivated a close relationship with Prabowo Subianto—who served as Indonesia’s defence minister before becoming president—and reportedly used the self-given nickname “Mr G.” The lawsuits and investigation say Srivastava travelled with Prabowo to high-level meetings in Washington and Jakarta in 2020, where talks about major military acquisitions—such as fighter jets and other equipment—were reportedly discussed.
In recorded calls referenced by the lawsuits, Srivastava allegedly claimed he worked for the CIA, presenting that identity as a way to gain trust and obtain access to influential government circles. The reporting also says Srivastava claimed involvement in matters such as identifying those behind the 2002 Bali bombings and helping remove Prabowo from a US immigration blacklist—assertions used, the report says, to bolster his standing.
The report further states that between 2020 and 2022, Srivastava’s network obtained Letters of Intent and later additional agreements tied to multiple defence projects. Proposed packages allegedly included 36 F-15 fighter jets, UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters, C-130 transport aircraft, and a military command-and-control centre.
OCCRP’s investigation also claims that companies linked to Srivastava were shell entities with no prior record in defence procurement, and notes a discrepancy: when the US government publicly approved the potential F-15 sale to Indonesia in 2022, Srivastava’s companies were not listed as parties to that official deal—raising questions about the extent of his actual role versus the influence he claimed.
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